A research program of Project Animal Freedom
MARI: The Midwest Animal Rights Index
We are trying to change a region we have never actually measured. MARI is how we fix that.
Nobody knows what the Midwest animal rights movement looks like
Ask a simple question about animal advocacy in the Midwest and there is no place to look up the answer. How many animal rights and vegan advocacy organizations operate across the twelve Midwestern states? How many have a single paid staff member? Which metro areas appear to have no qualifying organization at all? Where are the organizers who have been doing this alone for a decade with no one to hand it to?
Not because nobody knows their own city. Because there is no current public, region-wide source that answers those questions. Funders deciding where money goes, national organizations deciding where to expand, advocates deciding whether to start something in their own city, and Project Animal Freedom itself are all working without a shared regional baseline.
That is a strange thing to admit for an organization whose stated mission is a fully vegan Midwest by 2056. But it is true, and pretending otherwise would be worse. A movement that cannot describe itself cannot allocate itself well. Without a shared baseline, major decisions in Midwestern animal advocacy can default to impressions, personal networks, and whoever happened to be visible most recently. MARI is meant to replace that weakness with a documented, correctable regional picture.
The Midwest Animal Rights Index is the correction. MARI is a long-term research program that counts the movement, maps it, finds the gaps, and tracks whether any of it is getting stronger over time. It is the Measure pillar of MARA, the Midwest Animal Rights Alliance, and it is conducted through the Animal Freedom Lab, Project Animal Freedom’s research arm.
What MARI produces
The first edition, MARI 2027, delivers four things: a baseline census, a public map, a gap analysis, and a published methodology with a public-use dataset. The annual report that sits on top of them follows in the next phase, once there is a baseline worth reporting against.
The census
A systematic count of organized animal rights and vegan advocacy across Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Ohio, South Dakota, and Wisconsin. Nonprofits, chapters, informal groups, student organizations, sanctuaries and rescues with advocacy programs, policy and legal initiatives, direct action groups, and recurring vegan community events. For each one: where it works, when it started, what it does, how many paid people and volunteers it has, roughly what it operates on, and the single largest constraint holding it back.
The survey takes about six minutes. That is a design decision, not a limitation. Response rate is the entire project, and every additional question costs coverage.
MARM, the Midwest Animal Rights Map
A public, searchable map and directory of what the census finds. One question drives it: where does organized animal rights activity exist, and where does it not?
Where no qualifying organization has been identified in a metro, the map says “no qualifying organization identified as of [date]” rather than asserting that none exists. That distinction is the whole epistemic standard of this project in one sentence. Organizations can add themselves, correct their own records, or ask to be removed at any time, and the inclusion criteria are published alongside the map.
We expect the answer to be uncomfortable. Some of the regions holding the greatest concentrations of farmed animals in the country almost certainly have the thinnest advocacy infrastructure. That is the kind of finding that should change where the movement puts its next organizer, and right now nobody can demonstrate it.
The gap analysis
The census tells us what exists. The gap analysis tells us what is missing: metro areas with real population and no identified advocacy, active volunteer communities with no paid organizer, states with outreach groups but no policy capacity, and organizations that depend entirely on one person who is tired.
We frame this as opportunity rather than failure. A county with no animal advocacy is not a place that lost. It is a place to invest.
The report
The annual publication that pulls it together is the State of the Midwest Animal Rights Movement report: the methodology, the coverage statistics, the findings, the gaps, and an honest account of what the data cannot support. MARI 2027 establishes the baseline and publishes the methodology, the map, and a public-use dataset. The first full State of the Midwest Animal Rights Movement report follows in the next phase, and from then on it launches each year at the MARS Summit. The second edition is when MARI becomes genuinely valuable, because it is the first time anyone can say whether the Midwest movement grew or shrank.
What MARI counts, and the one test behind it
MARI covers animal rights and vegan advocacy organizations. One test decides inclusion:
An organization is included if advocating for an end to animal use or exploitation, or promoting veganism as a means of reducing or ending animal use or exploitation, is a substantive organizational function.
That is the same test that decides membership in MARA. One test, one universe, one determination. The alliance and the research mean the same thing by “animal rights organization in the Midwest,” which is what allows the numbers in one product to mean the same thing as the numbers in the next.
The test applies identically to every kind of organization, with no categorical inclusion or exclusion by institutional form. A farmed animal sanctuary with real advocacy, education, or vegan promotion work is counted. A sanctuary devoted entirely to animal care is not. A companion animal rescue is counted only if advocacy is a substantive part of what it does. A student group with no staff is counted on exactly the same terms as a funded organization.
Inclusion turns on activity, not on what an organization calls itself. Groups label themselves inconsistently, and a functional test is the only rule that can be applied evenly across twelve states. The criteria are published in full, any organization can ask to be reviewed, and any organization can appeal a decision.
Organizations that do not meet the test are recorded internally so we can document our own screening decisions and estimate coverage honestly. We do not publish that list. Reporting on it is limited to aggregate counts. The purpose is auditability, not publicly sorting organizations into worthy and unworthy.
Where MARI sits
MARI is one part of a larger structure, and the pieces do different jobs:
MARA organizes the movement. MARI measures it. MARM maps it. MARS brings it together.
| Component | What it does |
|---|---|
| MARA | The Midwest Animal Rights Alliance. The free, non-exclusive membership and coordination body that organizations join. |
| MARI | The research program, run through the Animal Freedom Lab. MARA’s Measure pillar. |
| MARM | The Midwest Animal Rights Map, a MARI product. |
| MARS | The Midwest Animal Rights Summit, MARA’s planned annual gathering, where MARI findings are first presented. |
| MARGO | The Midwest Animal Rights Groups and Organizations: the annual Top Ten, voted by the alliance, and the only organization-level ranking MARI ever publishes. |
Membership and being counted are not the same thing, in either direction. The eligibility test is shared, but joining is voluntary and being counted is not a favor to us. MARI counts organizations that have never heard of us and have no interest in joining anything. Every MARA member meets the test by definition, so members are inside the research universe, but no organization has to join MARA to be counted, and joining MARA buys no advantage in the research. Everything MARI publishes is free to members and non-members alike.
How we keep this credible
Project Animal Freedom is a significant player in the movement MARI measures. We are also building an alliance those same organizations are invited to join. That is a real conflict of interest, and saying we intend to be fair about it is not a safeguard. These are:
- The methodology is preregistered on a timestamped public repository before any data is collected. Inclusion rules, analyses, thresholds, and how we handle missing data all exist before the results do.
- An independent methodological review group of outside researchers reviews the design and audits how difficult inclusion cases are handled. It does not administer the eligibility test or replace the published appeals process. At least one reviewer has no stake in the alliance and need not be an animal advocate. Reviewers are named in the published methodology and MARI outputs.
- Criteria are published before the assessment period they govern, never written after the data arrives, and they are applied identically to every organization including Project Animal Freedom. PAF takes no part in voting on its own placement in anything MARI publishes.
- MARA members can advise, correct errors, and tell us who we missed. They cannot vote a variable out because it makes the movement look weak. Research and data governance sits with PAF and the Animal Freedom Lab, not with the alliance, and MARA’s steering committee can acknowledge these protections in its own charter without administering them.
- Response rate and coverage are reported as headline findings, not as buried caveats. If our coverage is thin, that will be the first thing you read.
- What organizations tell us in confidence stays confidential, under a published consent and data-use policy. The survey does not field before those rules are public. The policy states what is reported at organization level, what is only ever aggregated, what requires opt-in, how small samples are handled so that organizations cannot be identified indirectly, how long data is kept, and how any organization corrects or withdraws its record.
- We distinguish what we observed from what we can attribute. A march happening is an output. A law changing is an outcome. We will not blur them.
What the public-use dataset is, precisely. It carries public directory fields plus research variables that are publishable, de-identified, or aggregated in line with the consent and data-use policy. It is not confidential raw responses, and no organization’s individual answers are posted. Survey data can be withdrawn up to the deadline stated in the consent policy; once results have been aggregated and published, individual responses cannot be pulled back out of them.
Assessment, ranking, and what actually gets published
The distinction that matters is between assessment and exposure.
MARI will eventually maintain an internal assessment of animal rights and vegan advocacy organizations in the region, scored against criteria published in advance and applied the same way to everyone, so that the alliance can see where regional capacity actually sits. A serious audit of a movement means assessing the organizations in it. Pretending otherwise would make the research softer, not kinder.
What gets published from that assessment is deliberately narrow. Each year MARA expects to name a Top Ten, the MARGOs, recognized for the strength of their work that year and voted on by the alliance against the published criteria. An organization named to that list can decline to be listed. Nothing below it is published. Individual placements, full league tables, and bottom rankings stay internal. Your organization’s own assessment goes to you, not to the public. Case studies naming a specific organization are published only with that organization’s consent. You can correct factual errors in your assessment and you can appeal it.
None of this exists yet. The scored index is the last thing MARI builds, not the first, and it is years out.
Why the first edition has no score
MARI will not produce a composite score in 2027, regardless of how well the first year goes.
A score built on thin coverage is a number we would spend years defending instead of improving. Worse, it would arrive before anyone has reason to trust how it was built. So the first edition describes, and the later editions measure.
Earn the right to score before we score.
When scoring does arrive, opportunity leads and strength supports it. The question worth answering is not which state is winning. It is where an additional organizer, an additional grant, or an additional chapter would do the most good.
What MARI is not
- It is not a public league table of organizations. No group receives a published grade. The only organization-level list MARI ever publishes is the annual Top Ten MARGOs, voted by the alliance, which an organization can decline.
- It is not a duplicate of existing movement research. Faunalytics maintains a research library of thousands of studies. Stray Dog Institute runs a global State of the Movement survey tracking how the farmed animal movement allocates resources by region, animal, intervention, and outcome. Those are good and we use them. What is missing is a Midwest-specific operational baseline showing where organizations exist, where capacity is absent, and how regional infrastructure changes year over year. We are approaching Stray Dog Institute before our methodology freezes, so that where our categories can align they do, and organizations answering both surveys are not asked the same question twice.
- It is not a membership directory. MARI counts organizations that have never heard of us.
- It is not restricted to the Midwest in its usefulness. The methodology is published in full, including definitions, eligibility criteria, sampling, limitations, and version history, so that advocates elsewhere can replicate it. A Great Plains version, a Southern version, or an Appalachian version would be a success of this project, not competition with it.
Timeline
| When | What |
|---|---|
| January 2027 | Animal Freedom Lab go-live. Independent review group seated. Discovery begins. |
| February 2027 | Methodology preregistered and published. Consent and data-use policy published. Survey instrument frozen. |
| March to May 2027 | Fieldwork across all twelve states. |
| June to August 2027 | Analysis, mapping, and independent review of the draft. |
| September or October 2027 | First findings presented at the MARS Summit. |
| October 2027 | MARI 2027 published: methodology, MARM, coverage and gap analysis, and the public-use dataset. No composite score. |
| 2028 | Second wave in the field. The first full State of the Midwest Animal Rights Movement report launches at MARS II. |
If the Lab is not ready in January, the fieldwork moves. We would rather publish late than publish a baseline nobody should build on.
What it costs, and what funding buys
MARI’s single largest determinant of quality is response rate, and response rate is bought with fieldwork hours. Somebody has to find every organization across twelve states, send the invitation, send it again, and then pick up the phone.
We can run the first edition on volunteer labor. It will work, and it will produce lower coverage than the same project with a paid fieldwork coordinator for three months. We would rather say that now than explain it afterward.
Funding MARI buys coverage. That is the whole proposition. A gift here does not make the report prettier; it makes more of the Midwest visible in it, which is the only thing that makes the findings usable.
Questions
Who is MARI for?
Funders deciding where a grant does the most good. Organizations deciding where to expand or who to partner with. Advocates deciding whether their city needs something new. And the movement as a whole, which currently has no shared picture of itself.
Will my organization’s answers be published?
Only fields approved for public release under our published consent and data-use policy. Sensitive and nonpublic information is suppressed, aggregated, or excluded. Being on the map means being identified as an organization that exists; it does not mean your budget or your internal constraints become public.
Do we have to join MARA to be counted?
No. Joining is voluntary and being counted does not depend on it. The eligibility test is the same test MARA uses, so every member is inside the research universe, but most of the organizations MARI counts will never join anything, and membership buys no advantage in the research.
Will MARI rank our organization?
Internally, in time, yes. Publicly, only the annual Top Ten MARGOs, voted by the alliance, which you can decline to be named in. Your own assessment goes to you rather than to the public, you can correct factual errors in it, and you can appeal. PAF is assessed on the same criteria and does not vote on its own placement. None of it exists yet.
What if you get our organization wrong?
Tell us and we correct it. Where public information already exists we prepopulate it and ask you to verify rather than retype, and every published record can be challenged after release.
Why the Midwest?
Because it is one of the industrial heartlands of American animal agriculture and a region where organized local advocacy remains thin by Project Animal Freedom’s current inventory. Midwest states hold the country’s largest concentrations of hogs, egg-laying hens, and turkeys, and several of them have been central to the history of ag-gag laws restricting undercover investigation of agricultural facilities. Closing the distance between the scale of the industry here and the scale of the movement here is what Project Animal Freedom exists to do. Our fuller argument is on Why Fund Animal Rights in the Midwest? and Our Theory of Change.
Take part
If you run an animal rights or vegan advocacy organization in the Midwest, the most useful thing you can do is answer the census when it opens in March 2027, and tell us now about the groups in your area we are likely to miss. The organizations hardest to find are usually the ones the map most needs. You can also join MARA, free, though you do not have to join to be counted.
If you fund this movement, MARI is the infrastructure that makes the rest of your Midwest giving legible. We would welcome a conversation before the first edition, not after it.
A research program of Project Animal Freedom, conducted through the Animal Freedom Lab. Last updated September 2026.
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